President Trump Calls Off the June 12 Summit with Kim Jong-un:

How to Make the Summit On Again

No. 2018-29 (May 25, 2018)

Dr. Cheong Seong-Chang

Director, Department of Unification Strategy Studies

softpower@sejong.org

In his open letter to Chairman Kim Jong-un on May 24, U.S. President Donald Trump announced that he called off the summit with the North Korean leader planned on June 12.

The letter begins with the statement, “[w]e greatly appreciate your time, patience, and effort with respect to our recent negotiations and discussions relative to a summit long sought by both parties, which was scheduled to take place on June 12 in Singapore.” Then, President Trump expressed the intent to suspend the summit “based on the tremendous anger and open hostility displayed in your most recent statement, I feel it is inappropriate, at this time, to have this long-planned meeting.” However, he added, “if you change your mind having to do with this most important summit, please do not hesitate to call me or write”—clearly indicating that he plans to re-engage in the summit talks once he confirms Kim Jong-un’s resolve to interact with the U.S.

In response, North Korea unprecedentedly replied swiftly, issuing a statement by First Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Kim Kye-gwan, conveying Chairman Kim’s intent to re-pursue the summit talks in the morning of 25th. The statement was reported to be issued ‘upon authorization’ meaning that First Vice-Minister Kim Kye-gwan announced Kim Jong-un’s position according to his instructions.

Articulating the disappointment to President Trump’s decision to cancel the summit, First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs Kim Kye-gwan wrote that North Korea had “inwardly hoped that what is called ‘Trump formula’ would help clear both sides of their worries and comply with the requirements of our side and would be a wise way of substantial effect for settling the issue.” And he commented that “the first meeting would not solve all, but solving even one at a time in a phased way would make the relations get better rather than making them get worse,” emphasizing the need for confidence-building through the summit. The North Korean official assuredly underlined the intent to carry on with the DPRK-U.S. summit as he concluded the statement asserting “We would like to make known to the U.S. side once again that we have the intent to sit with the U.S. side to solve problems regardless of ways at any time.”

While some concerned that North Korea will firmly repudiate President Trump’s decision on the day when North Korea demolished the Punggye-ri nuclear test site, Kim Jong-un indicated the hope to continue pursuing the summit with Trump by First Vice-Minister Kim Kye-gwan’s statement, defying the predictions. Thanks to Chairman Kim’s flexible response, the DPRK-U.S. summit will likely be on again.

The most desirable option will be returning to the idea of holding the summit as planned previously—June 12 summit in Singapore—as President Trump reaffirms Chairman Kim’s resolve to engage with Washington. If President Trump cannot revoke his own decision, the two countries could set another date in Singapore or elsewhere for the summit. If the two countries retrogress to a relation of hostility, North Korea will possibly resume nuclear tests and ICBM test-launches.

Kim Jong-un’s open-ended response to President Trump’s decision should be highly regarded. Nevertheless, it is insufficient to express his intent to revive the option of summit talks in the form of First Vice-Minister Kim Kye-gwan’s statement. President Trump already sent State Secretary Pompeo twice to North Korea as a special envoy to earnestly discuss the summit agenda with Chairman Kim. Hence, it is appropriate to closely coordinate the summit agenda with the U.S.—by dispatching a high-level delegation including Kim Yo-jong (deputy director, Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea) and Kim Yong-chol (vice-chairman, Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea) and delivering Chairman Kim’s official letter to President Trump.

Pyongyang should not overlook the point that President Trump’s decision originates from not only Vice Minister Choe Son-hui’s mentioning of ‘reconsidering DPRK-U.S. summit,’ but also its antagonistic attitude toward South Korea. On May 15, in less than 15 hours after suggesting high-level talks with the South, North Korea unilaterally scrapped the preplanned talks on the 16th, condemning the Max Thunder exercise, a ROK-U.S. joint air drill. And on the 17th, answering a question from a journalist, Ri Sun-gwon, chairman of the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Country, posed a hawkish stance, saying that unless the serious issues that suspended inter-Korean high-level talks linger on unsolved, it will be difficult to sit with the incumbent South Korean administration again.

President Moon Jae-in’s mediation efforts played a decisive role in Trump’s decision to hold summit talks with Chairman Kim. In that sense, if North Korea unilaterally breaks the agreement to hold high-level talks with the South Korean government and shows a hostile attitude toward the Moon administration, the U.S. will have doubts on whether it could trust North Korea which behaves in such a way. Therefore, provided that North Korea wishes to genuinely improve relations with the U.S., it should first mend ties with its southern neighbor.

Already in last March, the two Koreas agreed to install a hotline between the two leaders and initiate a telephone conversation prior to the inter-Korean summit. However, the two leaders did not make a phone call until now. Chairman Kim may find difficulty in contacting President Trump directly as the two leaders have no hotline established between them. Hence, he could request President Moon to convey his intention to hold the summit to President Trump via a phone call. As Chairman Kim Jong-un stated such hopes through Kim Kye-gwan’s statement, it is desirable for the South Korean government to assist in realizing the DPRK-U.S. summit. Expressing the aspirations of the June 12 summit being back on track, Seoul should actively propose the idea of holding the summit in Panmunjeom or Jeju Island to Washington and Pyongyang in case the summit schedule is rearranged.

Last April 27, when the two Korean leaders were escorted by the traditional honor guard, President Moon said to Chairman Kim that he could have a more magnificent view when Chairman Kim visits Cheong Wa Dae. Chairman Kim replied that he will visit whenever President Moon invites him. Therefore, President Moon needs to enhance communications with North Korea, inviting Kim Jong-un informally to Cheong Wa Dae in the near future to explicate the recent summit with Trump and to put the schedule of DPRK-U.S. summit back on.