The Biden administration's military and security policy toward China: continuation and change
Chung Jae-hung, Lee Dongmin
(jameschung@sejong.org, dongmin.sean.lee@gmail.com)
Research Fellow, Visiting Research Fellow,
The Sejong Institute
Executive Summary
■ Background
○ The Biden administration's military and security policy toward China is expected to continue and change in two aspects. First, the Biden administration is expected to strengthen the Trump administration’s trade policy and control technology leakage in order to maintain the superiority of advanced military technology of the U.S. It is expected to independently conduct research and development of advanced technology.
○ Second, it will drastically change the Trump
administration's nuclear strategy, which has been promoted against China’s
military rise that could pose a potential threat in the future, and pursue
strategic stability.
○ The continuation and change of the U.S. military-security
policy toward China will raise fundamental questions. To South Korea, it raises
concerns about the direction of the future strategy.
■ Continuation
○ Xi Jinping is promoting a military-private
fusion policy to strengthen the high-tech military-private technology and is
rapidly promoting it as a national strategy.
○ The Biden administration inherited the Trump
administration's responsive strategy toward China. It is adhering to the
strategy to neutralize the economic and industrial value chain linked to
China's defense industry.
○ Currently, the U.S. is trying to strengthen its own
defense conversion policy and gain military superiority over China through the U.S. Department of Defense.
■ Change
○ The Trump administration promoted the strengthening of
aging nuclear weapons through its defense policy It also began to reduce the
volume and weight of nuclear weapons through low yield production. ○ The
change in the U.S. military and security policy is due to China's strengthening
of its missile capabilities. China has been quietly strengthening its nuclear
capabilities through military innovation and securing anti-contact zone
rejection (A2AD) capabilities.
○ As mentioned in the ‘Interim
National Security Strategic Guidance’ signed by President Biden, the Biden
administration made it clear at home and abroad that it will eliminate the
global arms race and reduce nuclear weapons in its national security strategy.
■ China’s dream
of modernizing and strengthening its army
○ A decision was made during the 5th plenary session of the
19th Communist Party of China Central Committee of October 2020 that the
Chinese military will be modernized by 2027, the 100th anniversary of the
founding of the military. China began implementing measures to achieve national prosperity and military power.
○ Through Yanghui (兩會) of 2021, Xi emphasized the
importance of the dream of a strong Chinese army and announced the defense
budget as 1.3553 trillion yuan (about 240 trillion won), up 6.8% from that of
the previous year.
○ China’s defense expenditure reflected first, replacing aging
weapons; second, improving the welfare of the Chinese military; third,
responding to U.S. military and security challenges and modernizing the
military; fourth, researching and developing investment in advanced military
science and technology.
○ Currently, the Chinese military is rapidly applying
cutting-edge science technology such as artificial intelligence, quantum
information, big data, cloud computing, and the Internet of Things to military
fields. It is approaching the stage of intelligence with the arrival of new
scientific and technological innovations and the 4th Industrial Revolution.
○ The Chinese military is planning a reform schedule to
modernize the basic military power by 2027 and to achieve basic level of
modernization (mechanization and information technology) by 2035. China is
expected to have a high level of combat power in the mid-2020s (2025-2027).
■ South Korea’s strategic choice
○ First, South Korea must actively utilize the multilateral
diplomatic framework to seek stability in the region and promote a multilateral
dialogue channel to communicate and avoid military conflict between the U.S.
and China.
○ Second, instead of deploying offensive strategic assets
such as intermediate-range missiles on the Korean Peninsula, South Korea must
persuade its ally, the U.S., to strengthen South Korea’s
military capabilities and lay the foundation for promoting internal balance
against China on its own.
○ Third, since Xi Jinping's policies are changing aggressively, South Korea must cope with each issue flexibly based on accurate internal and external information and strategic judgment.
※ This article is written based on the author’s personal opinions and does not reflect the views of the Sejong Institute.
※ This is a third party's unofficial translation of the original paper which was written in Korean. All references should be made to the original paper.