The nature of the dangers posed by the North Korean nuclear threat is twofold. The first is the question of how to effectively deter the North Korean nuclear threat, referring to the task of maintaining the credibility of extended deterrence and strengthening the South Korean military's advanced conventional deterrence capabilities in the face of an increasingly sophisticated nuclear threat. The second is the problem of crisis instability, that is, the possibility of unintended nuclear escalation arising from uncontrolled factors such as mutual fear, misperception, and accidents. In other words, preventing the tragedy of nuclear war on the Korean Peninsula requires not only the effective development of deterrence against North Korea but also the proper management of the risks of crisis instability. Despite this dual nature of the security challenge on the Korean Peninsula, existing efforts by both South Korea and the United States have tended to concentrate on the effectiveness of deterrence, as reflected in the conduct of large-scale combined exercises and the frequent deployment of United States strategic assets to the Korean Peninsula. At the level of the South Korean military, efforts are being accelerated to build the Korean three-axis system, comprising Kill Chain, the Korea Air and Missile Defense system (KAMD), and the Korea Massive Punishment and Retaliation (KMPR) capability, in order to expand non-nuclear deterrence capacity.
Efforts by South Korea and the United States to strengthen their posture and capabilities in response to North Korea's accelerating nuclear force modernization are unavoidable. The concern, however, is that deterrence-only military measures undertaken in the absence of adequate efforts to manage the Korean Peninsula situation in a stable manner may heighten strategic instability on the peninsula. Deterrence is fundamentally a threat-based strategy, and the instability inherent in the nuclear age is prone to further deterioration through the parties' competition in deterrence capabilities. A side that fears a preemptive strike may opt for the delegation of nuclear launch authority and the maintenance of a high alert posture, which in turn can raise the risk of accidental nuclear war through miscalculation and mechanical malfunction. An additional adverse effect arises as North Korea's nuclear force modernization and South Korea's buildup of advanced conventional forces interact to trigger a ceaseless arms race. In short, the deterrence competition between the two Koreas may produce the twin harms of crisis instability and an arms race on the Korean Peninsula.
The problems of nuclear crisis stability and arms racing currently manifesting on the Korean Peninsula are issues that were already fiercely debated during the U.S.-Soviet Cold War. The two superpowers were continuously engaged in nuclear arms competition and were particularly preoccupied with early warning and prompt nuclear response postures driven by fear of a preemptive strike. The Launch on Warning (LoW) posture was devised to enable nuclear retaliation before it was too late, and pressure for the advance delegation of nuclear launch authority intensified. When decapitation strikes against the Kremlin leadership were raised as a possibility, the Soviet Union went so far as to establish an automated nuclear strike system known as the Dead Hand. As illustrated by instances of early warning radar malfunction, all of these factors were sources of instability that raised the risk of accidental nuclear war. Even setting aside the possibility of accidental nuclear launch, the problem was that once a crisis escalated beyond a certain threshold, the pressure to act first would lower the threshold for nuclear use. In practice, the United States and the Soviet Union experienced several dangerous moments in which they inadvertently approached the brink of nuclear war. A review of the history of Cold War nuclear strategy thus reveals historical lessons replete with implications for the Korean Peninsula, including debates over nuclear doctrine and the dangerous thresholds of inadvertent escalation. Examining the risks of inadvertent escalation raised during the Cold War era is therefore expected to provide important lessons for preventing the tragedy of nuclear war on the Korean Peninsula.
What, then, are the implications and lessons that Cold War nuclear strategy debates and cases offer for the Korean Peninsula? In other words, what must be done to enhance nuclear crisis stability on the Korean Peninsula? First, a shift in perception is needed, recognizing that the challenges posed by the North Korean nuclear threat are not reducible to the enhancement of deterrence alone. Maintaining and strengthening deterrence against North Korea is a necessary condition for stability and peace on the Korean Peninsula, but it is not a sufficient one. Policy efforts addressing the North Korean nuclear threat must therefore be broadened and pursued in a balanced manner to encompass crisis stability as well as deterrence enhancement. Second, efforts to eliminate North Korea's incentives for early nuclear use are necessary. To this end, caution must be exercised with regard to threats of large-scale strikes against military targets, preemptive attack, and decapitation messaging. Third, with respect to deterrence strategy, it is necessary to place greater emphasis on punishment deterrence based on the threat of retaliation rather than on deterrence by denial. If the capability and posture to deliver devastating retaliation after absorbing an adversary's first strike can be secured, it will be possible not only to deter North Korean nuclear use but also to prevent unnecessary crisis instability. Among the three-axis systems, the KMPR capability should be developed, and in the case of KAMD, the design should place emphasis on ensuring the survivability of command and control centers, missile bases, and air bases necessary for a second strike. Finally, preventing conventional conflict in the first place must be the prerequisite for preventing nuclear war. Given the structural conditions of the Korean Peninsula, securing nuclear crisis stability once high-intensity conventional conflict has broken out would be extremely difficult. Efforts at military confidence building must therefore be continuously pursued, grounded in the recognition that preventing conventional conflict is the starting point for preventing nuclear war.